Sino Sting Robbed New Zealand of home grown computer base
Forty years ago New Zealand’s Hutt Valley was a mini Silicon Valley as a world research and development focus for information technology.
This was not realised in New Zealand, but it was grasped in China which sought to transfer ground-breaking technology to China, and do so without paying for it.
The computer technology developed in the Hutt Valley (pictured) was a breakthrough in that it speeded up computing to the point at which it seemed to behave like the human brain.
For many years there was a coordinated operation centred on Beijing to lift the technology without being seen to do so and at the same time to avoid paying for it.
The scheme involved Chinese governmental organisations presenting themselves as bona fide buyers and requiring more and more and still more insights into the technology in order to make the hoped for decision about an eventual purchase.
In order to give this verisimilitude the operation was surrounded by demonstrable very high level involvement of the Chinese governing elite.
The technology so sought after by the Chinese was capable of smashing through what at the time was known as the von Neumann bottleneck, the constriction through which must stream the digital symbolic instructions which the machine, the computer, understands.
In the Hutt Valley there had been developed an accelerator device to push through this stream of machine language symbols at an ever faster rate in order for the computer to do the heavy lifting required by increasingly complex demands.
The Chinese had correctly perceived that that the Hutt Valley developers had identified an early solution to revving up computer capacity and thus capability, and which could be copied given enough access to the prototypes and systems.
This whole technique was based on computer programmes compiling other computer programmes which in turn created other programmes and in this compounding power bestowing the human effect on the project at hand.
This is the accelerator process that underlies today’s artificial intelligence which among other things recognises peoples’ faces.
The Hutt Valley pioneering work was taken very seriously by the Chinese.
Their active interest in it started in the late 70s and continued through to the share market and financial collapse of the late 1980s when the by now New Zealand government -sponsored funders of the technology were themselves bailed out.
In the intervening years there had been much toing and froing with among other actors state-controlled Chinese banks lending their name as somehow standing behind the project.
This finance had been talked about. But never appeared in liquid form. There had at one stage even been floated a counter trade, bartering, scheme one of which involved importing Chinese bicycles.
Why didn’t the Chinese simply pay for the programme automation technology at the outset?
The short answer is that this would have run counter to parting with cash for technology and management processes acquirable by stealth.
How did those concerned within New Zealand become party to this?
Never before and certainly not in New Zealand had there been encountered any kind of deal in anything at all in which a central government, China’s, was in fact the potential acquirer and which controlled the potential transaction at every step of its process.
A subsidiary reason is that by dragging out the sale for so long the Chinese ensured that the Hutt Valley software engineers constantly improved the technology and especially so in customising it, adapting it to Chinese requirements which included diverse applications in coal mines to hospitals.
For China it was an early and outstanding example of their win-win principal. They won twice. They got the technology. They got it for next to nothing.
Target Marketeers take advantage of Atonement Cult
In today’s age of the apology proliferating atonements are encouraging another fast-growth fashion in which commercial interests seek opportunities to publicly demonstrate cohesion with diversity and equality.
Advertisers are now on the look-out for mainstream media transgressions that allow them to mass signal their own virtue by withdrawing their patronage from selective broadcast programmes and even from print titles.
Their target demographic is composed of a university-catchment in its later teens and on the verge of entering middle age, the advertising agency prime target sector.
In order to reach this cherished segment the Wellington daily the Dominion Post for example devoted an issue to apologising for itself
It ardently excoriated itself for its value judgements throughout its history that transgressed contemporary diversity/equality criteria.
This contrived atonement edition was ridiculed at the time by the demographic that it was not in fact aimed at.
But it struck a spectacular chord with its intended target market, the graduate one, the cultural elite, the segment with disposable income, money to spare.
In media terms an apology until a few years ago was a quasi-legal device used to stave off a legal action or to mitigate, soften one.
The old please-forgive-us apologies were handled gingerly because they were deemed to call into question the reliability, integrity, of the media operation as a whole.
Now, and in their promotional manifestation the apology is embraced with the same enthusiasm with which in its legal context it had once been shunned.
The now-routine institutional apology trend technique blinds editorialists to the danger that it poses for them.
This is because advertisers now use it to reach the impressionable much-desired younger graduate segment of the purchasing population.
Advertisers actively seek programmes where someone is likely to put their foot in it, just so they are seen to withdraw from backing this same programme and in doing so acquire the resulting plaudits from this same high-minded premium purchasing segment.
In the official and governmental realm meanwhile the apology proclamation has become the standard public relations marketing tool allowing politicians and their departments to quit something from the past and thus unencumbered to market the new replacement policy and approach.
Brisk and perfunctory it nonetheless has the effect of conveying the required level of hand-wringing to those who hitherto had troublesomely and noisily believed themselves to have been wronged.
The mainstream media collectively and uncritically supports the officially approved diversity and equality doctrines
The demonstrable enthusiasm of this community of interest fuels the fervour which now marketing agencies take advantage of.
Now and in its politico-media usage the apology means to “cave-in” on something, the opposite of its original Latin meaning in which it meant quite the opposite, to “defend” this or that.
Thus the slogan Apologia Pro Vita Sua once meant defending ones past actions, and certainly not regretting them, the current interpretation.
Target marketeers grasped the ecclesiastical implications of the word as a technique of signalling to the high-earning and younger impressionable buying classes the corresponding righteous intentions of their clients, and thus of their products.
The journalistic community is only now waking up to the distant rumbling of the apology avalanche which threatens practitioners who go off-piste, off the beaten path of conformity either accidentally or deliberately.
Eliminating natural gas will cripple a hospitality industry already reeling from the absence of foreign tourists.
Restaurants and hotels rely on natural gas to provide low cost power. Especially in kitchens.
But the value to the hospitality industry of natural gas is being tossed aside as the New Zealand Labour government sacrifices small businesses in the rush to accelerate man-made climate anxiety.
The Labour government is determined to be Best In Show internationally in the climate alarmism stakes.
The ACT party in Parliament has been silenced, and even bends a climate knee because it wants to be persuaded that unless New Zealand conforms to climatism it will somehow become a trade “pariah.”
The National Party Opposition is effectively gagged because it believes that it will lose a large slice of its high end professional vote if it is viewed as being overtly hostile to the climate beliefs that have filled the vacuum left by the established churches.
The energy industry lobby has allowed itself to be treated like dirt by the Labour government which at the outset announced to a group of students its ban on energy exploration.
Federated Farmers the agricultural lobby sits on its hands while unknown interests blot out immense swathes of grazing country with trees.
Nobody dare warn, even whisper, that if the globe is in fact heating up that these same quick growing and thus volatile resinous forest plantations present a colossal fire risk.
Nobody dare say that the clamp down on domestic oil and gas can only result in imports and from countries not exactly aligned with the government’s oft-stated human rights imperatives. Saudi Arabia is one example here.
The government’s one-word call sign is “kindness.”
How “kind” is it for a government to deliberately propagate the notion that in Taranaki there is no need to worry about the departure of the energy industry when enterprises like bakeries will take up the employment slack.
This when the same government knows that these same bakeries will not be able to use their ovens because there will be no gas to fire them.
The Labour government and its side kick Green Party promote “green” industries replacing the primary sector while knowing that these green industries are mobile in that they can readily be located offshore and to countries not too fussy about their workforce conditions.
The government and the Greens know too that words such as net zero, carbon, and renewables along with acronyms such as IPCC exercise a curiously paralysing effect on institutions such as ACT, Federated Farmers, and the National Party.
These loaded words leads them if not to “pivot” a knee then to go weak at the knees when they should be stridently indicating the dangers to jobs of the orchestrated litany of half-truths that drives the climate political project.
From the government’s climate bureaucracy we learn that farming is the “whaling” industry of today.
Farming was last proclaimed a relic from a bygone industrial era quite recently, 30 or so years ago.
The financial services sector supposed to fill this farming gap then promptly utterly disappeared leaving New Zealand without even its own trading bank, and with the resulting torrential outpouring of funds that should have stayed in New Zealand.
The New Zealand-based global insurance sector similarly and simultaneously disappeared as a direct result of this “whaling” fallacy syndrome about farming.
The National Party lets the Labour government glibly proclaim unchallenged its climate political project as its overriding priority. Labour routinely trumpets it as a far greater cause than the economy or even the housing crisis, a real crisis this time instead of a rallying one that keeps its faithful from straying
Mysterious Balkan War operative traced to renowned private school in England
A soldier who in three armies participated in at least four wars and changed the face of United Nations has been identified as a pupil of Hill Brow Preparatory School in Somerset recognised as epitomising the high noon of private schools in the 1950s when Bill Foxton was there.
The bizarre disclosure came when the young Foxton was identified in a school photo as the near-mythical soldier of fortune by the mother of his daughter Billie. The mother is Sally Becker aka the Angel of Mostar who teamed up with Foxton in the Balkans during Europe’s biggest conflict since World War 2.
The pair effectively forced attention on the inability of United Nations as a bureaucracy to deal with the fratricidal conflict and Sally Becker also identified the way in which United Nations holds in its thrall media elements, notably the BBC.
The photograph of Bill (see below) featured in the official history of the school compiled by Christopher Newman who was there at the same time as Foxton.
The Hill Brow History shows that Bill Foxton won the school shooting cup two years running and also a swimming cup.
Exactly why Major Bill Foxton was so determined to disguise this background remains unexplained.
His contemporaries included grandees such as jurist Sir Richard Gibbs, educationalist Sir John Dunford and applied ecology pioneer Sir John Lister-Kaye the Laird of Aigas.
Another fellow pupil of the young Foxton was Gordon Strong the authority on the pre-history of England’s West Country.
He believes that Foxton fell under the Influence of the school’s deputy head George Rory O’Brien Newbery who was also the history teacher.
Major Newbery’s great regret was being too young for the First World War. But he caught up in World War 2.
Another fellow pupil at the boarding school at the time recalls Foxton as being exceptionally neat and tidy, of quiet manner and displaying none of the Stalky & Co daring identifying him as the future frontier swashbuckler. A curious observation was that masters and boys alike always referred to him as Bill Foxton instead of just Foxton, the custom.
Still, the real mystery about Foxton remains why he wove a mystery around a schooling that would hardly have been a disadvantage in his transition from the ranks into becoming a commissioned officer. He was similarly obscure about other origins.
His father appears to have come from New Zealand and served with the RNZN, posted to Southampton. Bill was born in 1943. Thus Bill would have qualified for a New Zealand passport, as well as the French one to which he was entitled after his tour in the Foreign Legion.
In the event Foxton’s Buchanesque career took a Hemingway turn in the Balkans when as European monitor he encountered Sally Becker (pictured with Bill above) to whom he soon after applied his paramedic training after a would be assassin shot her through the leg.
The episode is recounted in her book Sunflowers and Snipers – Saving Children in the Balkan War (The History Press.)
United Nations after Africa and then after the Balkans exchanged peace keeping for preaching.
It now substituted for engagement in risky interventions the projection of high-mindedness in issues cherished by the Anglosphere’s politico media sector.
Major Bill Foxton late of Hill Brow Preparatory School for Boys at Brent Knoll personified in operational peacekeeping the end of one era, the soldierly one, in which undertakings were backed up by deeds, and the following era in which covenants are backed by exalted diversions and diplomatic stroking and evasions.
Meanwhile school contemporary Gordon Strong insists that Major Newbery was Bill Foxton’s guiding light inspiring the boy with the shock of red hair to become a participant over the ensuing half century in commotions in Africa, the Middle East, Europe and Asia.
“Rory Newbery taught Bill and did so by example that words always had to be followed through by actions; that contemplation by itself was never enough, and that it was what you caused to happen that counted.”
Dismissal of Prime Minister in 1975 proves impeachment only legal if former President holds office
Because only a serving public official can be impeached the former president’s accusers will have to discover hitherto hidden constitutional prerogatives in order to legitimise their case against him.
Capitol Hill impeachers must first somehow identify the former president as a current public or federal official. Only then does he become impeachable, stoppable. The notion of a retrospective impeachment has no precedent.
Impeachment crossed the Atlantic with the Pilgrim Fathers. It is derived from the old Norman English word meaning to stop or otherwise impede. “Empechement” still means in French to impede, hinder, obstruct. To be impeachable a person must be engaged at that time in the service of the public, be an official.
The element of intent could arise. Trump anticipated this in his farewell declaration that he intended to return only “in some form.” When questioned about his plans he responds vaguely about doing “something.”
As matters stand Donald Trump’s accusers seek to stop a public official who is no longer a public official and someone who in their joblessness has still to declare that they intend to return to an official post.
The Capitol Hill case against Trump is a narrow one even baseless in that the former president’s accusers seek to disqualify, evict him from an official post that he no longer holds.
At some stage the army of Capitol Hill attorneys will discover the most astonishing impeachment in modern times which occurred in Australia when in 1975 governor general Sir John Kerr exercised reserve constitutional powers in the abrupt dismissal of the nation’s prime minister Gough Whitlam (pictured above.)
It is in this constitutional dismissal, stopping, impeachment, the one of Australian prime minister Gough Whitlam, in which lies the only federal precedent tied to these reserve powers that can be remotely applied to Donald Trump.
The connection is that the Australian impeachment of a sitting prime minister, a successful one as it turned out, shares with the process against Donald Trump a derived root in English common law.
Gough Whitlam’s and Australia’s shock was, and indeed still is, that the monarchy had somehow retained the power to fire one of its sitting prime ministers.
Gough Whitlam’s Labour (i.e.Democrat) government had enjoyed a thin majority in the legislature and this combined with several highly publicised scandals gave the opposition sufficient grounds for choking off the supply to the Whitlam government of the funds it needed to carry out its governmental duties.
This logjam, impasse, duly ended up at the door of the Queen’s representative in Australia, governor general Sir John Kerr. He advised Whitlam to call a general election, which Whitlam refused to do. Whitlam was then summarily sacked along with his government. Malcolm Fraser and his opposition party now took over as caretaker prime minister and government pending a general election which in the event Fraser won.
In the light of the Whitlam Affair and the present Trump Affair those cross-referencing the two cases will find themselves pre-occupied with one element constantly overlooked in the shared blind partisan fury of both cases. It is this.
Sir John Kerr drew on the prerogative of the reserve powers at his disposal in sacking Gough Whitlam only after Whitlam declined to call a general election and in doing so made clear his intention of continuing as a public, a federal official, in his office as prime minister. It was only Whitlam’s stated intent to continue in office that made him impeachable, stoppable.
If Gough Whitlam had accepted the governor general’s urging to call a general election he would have had to relinquish his official and thus impeachable position as prime minister just because he was going to the people in this same general election.
Regardless of the numerous accusations of misdemeanours then being directed at he and his Labour government and regardless of the gravity or truth of these charges Gough Whitlam at the moment of his resignation would have rendered himself unimpeachable simply because at that instant he had ceased to be a serving federal official.
Australia’s collective absorption with the Whitlam Affair always halts abruptly at two sets of gates, the ones at Buckingham Palace and the ones at Royal Lodge, the official residence of the governor general.
A reason is that the Dismissal, as it is became known, favoured incoming and replacement prime minister Malcolm Fraser then and now viewed by Australians as a haughty, austere conservative known at the time as “the Prefect,” and whose enduring saying was that “life was never meant to be easy.”
Fraser simply had not at that time, 1975, come out on the monarchy issue. It turned out that such was Fraser’s true personal anti royalist fervour that in later life he lent his weight to the Green party with its own militant anti-monarchism.
The suspicion in the Whitlam Affair is therefore this: if the Palace had had an inkling of Malcolm Fraser’s own republicanism would Palace courtiers still have caused to be sacked or otherwise be impeached Gough Whitlam?
At this time, in 1975, the monarchy was still under full power and Prince Charles’ assumed passion for Australia was routinely touted. Royal visits still attracted immense crowds. Therefore Palace management in the form of its officials would have been conscious of who supported them, or seemed to be for them, and who had demonstrably declared themselves against the monarchy, as had Gough.
Malcolm Fraser’s subsequently revealed disdain for the monarchy, means that it is no coincidence that a successor as Liberal party (actually the equivalent of US Republican Party) leader and prime minister Malcolm Turnbull should have built his entire political career as a foe of the monarchy.
It is this royal involvement that means that the successful and cataclysmic levelling of reserve powers against Gough Whitlam remains such an unresolved running sore in Australia and one that remains raw even after the recent release of the Dismissal correspondence in the form of the Palace Papers as they are known. The Palace Papers show that Her Majesty was shielded from any decision about Gough Whitlam and his accident-prone government by a firewall.
This firewall was represented by the Queen’s principal private secretary Martin Charteris, a dry, clipped figure who has attained a kind of popular posthumous celebrity in the Crown series of television docudramas.
The real shock of the Whitlam Affair remains that nobody including Whitlam, a seasoned lawyer himself, knew that there resided in Australia or Great Britain the power, the prerogative, of any official or group of officials to expel from office a sitting Australian prime minister.
The real shock of the Trump impeachment will be that there is no constitutional legality in proceedings until such time as Donald Trump becomes a serving official.
Converged social and broadcast mix formula will challenge shared orthodoxy
In a welter of claims and counter claims centred on social media the fadeout of the Trump presidency brings it full circle to its point of departure just because President Trump detonated a press rage by dealing directly with the public through social media.
At the outset of his campaign Donald Trump by-passed the conventional media by using social media to communicate with anyone and everyone anywhere.
Everyday people however remote from Washington now enjoyed the same access to Donald Trump’s confidences as members of the White House press corps, a coterie that takes itself ultra seriously.
In disintermediating the conventional media Trump struck at a hitherto professional elite which was to maintain its rage throughout his tenure.
This surly resentment crossed the Atlantic where the British press could never bring itself for example to note that President Trump’s mother was born in the UK, and emigrated to the United States as a young woman.
This contrasts with the much reported, and much more remote Irish ancestry of presidents Kennedy and Reagan.
From the outset the conventional media convinced itself that Donald Trump could never win the presidential election just because he was insensitive to the tribal nature of their identitarian politics. The Trump campaign in the event understood quota considerations rather well and to the point of realising that those at the bottom of the heap now understood that the burden of the media-encouraged orthodoxy was falling on them.
It is in this context of unfinished business that the inauguration of President Biden fails to represent the new era, the turning of the page, that is inherent in changing of the guard inauguration symbolism.
The outcome is that United States is now looking at what is known in the Westminster realm as a “shadow” government in the form of a Presidency-in-Exile.
The real actual government the one centred on the White House is now presented with the immediate problem of isolating this rogue presidency and doing so before it embeds itself as an alternate policy source.
This can only be done by blocking its communication channels, a process well underway with the cooperation of an only too willing Silicon Valley which at the outset of the Trump regime united with Hollywood in its antipathy to the insurgent hotelier.
A sure-fire blackout of the ex president? Not if you consider the impermanence of Silicon Valley, something shared with Hollywood.
Point-to-multipoint texting is an evolving sector with no shortage of new entrants and outfits with names such as Gab and Parler are already snapping at the heels of Twitter.
Twitter is now in the same position as IBM was when it controlled the information technology business with its all-encompassing market dominance.
Donald Trump quietened the Middle East, appointed the judiciary, eased the tax burden on lower incomes, revised incarceration, consolidated US energy independence, re-industrialised while reducing coal consumption, curbed vaping, and introduced warp speed vaccine…..
In his presidency-in-exile role Donald Trump has indicated a priority in confronting the coastal enclave-based orthodox media with, well, Trump Broadcasting.
The narrowness of his election loss in the biggest election turnout in US history indicates an audience-in-waiting.
Orthodox media is most of all pre-occupied with news about itself. This is an underpinning reason who so much of it moves in lockstep especially in sharing voguish ideologies in which during the Trump years the mainstream demonstrated the shared devotion of the converted.
Fractionated audiences, displacement of the predictable with the unpredictable, coverage of let’s-all-forget topics such as police defunding, even a further split in national advertising…..
Conventional media described Donald Trump as dangerous in the White House. They might find him even more lethal outside it.
Canberra and Wellington Awkward exhibitions of Righteousness generate onlycontempt
China does not change. But the perceptions of it do. In recent weeks attempts by liberal democracies in Australia and New Zealand to influence China via governmental morality signalling mechanisms have had diametrically the opposite effect of the virtuously-anticipated outcomes.
In Australia the government instituted charges against its soldiers for alleged war crimes in Afghanistan and in doing so ensured that pictorial evidence of several supposed incidents was made publicly available to support these accusations.
The result? Chinese media quickly responded with conflated images designed to portray Australia’s soldiers in Afghanistan as jihadists.
In case there were any remaining doubts in anyone’s mind about the sinew of the Australian military the Australian media was now officially and enthusiastically supplied with the contact details of help desks and the like for members of the Australian military needing counselling after all these revelations.
While this display of frailty was going on the New Zealand Parliament declared an official “Climate Emergency,” on the grounds of its mathematically barely definable contribution to what it believes is the imminent end of the world. Proudly proclaimed was the imminence also of various productivity handicapping measures in order for the nation to be seen to be coping with this dogma, as it is viewed in Beijing.
Australasia’s craving for globalist applause is received in Beijing as a weakness
Where there is a weakness the Chinese are taught there is but one response which is to exploit it.
In academic life in Australasia there has been enacted a singularly visible application of the law of diminishing returns in that the greater the investment in China studies the greater has been the misunderstanding of the Chinese ruling mindset.
Lessons in the real world have been costly.
A recent example in New Zealand was the Fonterra dairy company dispensing with its usual exchange trading procedures with the Chinese and instead embarking on a western business culture investment in a Chinese dairy company.
The result? An only partially explained loss to the New Zealand dairy cooperative of approaching a billion dollars.
When Australia’s Morrison government boldly took part in a wider move to bring the Chinese government to account for the origin and subsequent spread of the Coronavirus the most surprising outcome was the surprise of the same Morrison government over the harsh trade retaliations by the same Chinese government.
The Chinese are taught their own equivalent of the expression which adds up to if someone throws a pebble at you, then you must retaliate with boulders.
The Chinese know how reticent are the purity proclaiming political leaders when they learn that they have been finessed by the Chinese. An example remains Melbourne’s proven vulnerability via its once eagerly sought status as a terminus of Belt and Road.
Nations scourging themselves for the sake of global approval and in doing so strangling their economies simply bemuses Beijing which has no intention of interrupting its own forced march to resuming to its historical position as the Middle Kingdom which means, and this is little understood, the commanding nation that all others turn to.
As they pose and strut their moral stuff Australasian politicians play to an empty audience as far as Beijing is concerned.
The trade dependence on China of nations such as Australia and New Zealand is most definitely not regarded in Beijing as representing the noble ties of economic brotherhood or sisterhood.
Beijing merely regards the trade overweighting as another example of the haphazard planning that opens the way to China’s resuming what it sees as its role in the middle of absolutely everything.
Chinese language schools abound. Yet comprehension of Chinese is given low priority in the host countries even though Chinese shares a number of characteristics with English as an analytical language based on word positioning.
The Chinese are still recovering from the shock of losing their ancient position as the world’s most civilised and advanced nation and worse still losing this position and eventually becoming colonised through their own internal chaos.
When they see western leaders such as the ones in Australia and New Zealand exhibiting raptures of righteousness in attacking their own institutions such as the military or the wealth generating economy the impression received is one of dithering and uncertainty, and of unreliability that could lead anywhere.
As Australasian leaders expound their ethical superiority for the benefit of the international community there is one member of this same community which interprets these performances as symptoms of lack of resolve which at best represent short term diversions used to paper over internal divisions which Beijing has every intention of taking advantage of.
Diversity, Multiculturalism shunted aside in Councils CBD “Quick Win”
Wellington City Council’s scheme to turn the capital’s restaurant and entertainment district into a car-free zone was sprung on business proprietors there in the middle of the Covid–19 series of alerts.
Traders in the Courtenay Place district have united under their SOS (save our street) banner and are stating bluntly that the car ban will put them out of business.
Businesses in the area now believe that the council’s ambition to implement the scheme so rapidly meant that the time was similarly compressed for the multi-racial restaurant proprietors to learn about it.
The restaurant and entertainment district proprietors speak more than a dozen different homeland languages.
Council notification pamphlets were stuffed under doors. With English prevailing as only a second language many proprietors failed to understand the implications of the car-free scheme. Call-back numbers were overloaded and again lack of English was a problem.
The car-free inner city leg of which the Courtenay Place entertainment district is part is cited by the council as the “quick win” segment of the wider Lets Get Wellington Moving scheme.
Proprietors there say that comprehending the council’s officialese was a problem, as in the instance of the true meaning of “re-purposed” side streets.
These are exactly the streets that the traders require for re-supplying them and which thus need vehicular access. Especially if the frontage is to be turned into a mall.
A number of the traders in this district recall what happened the last time a car-free zone was proclaimed in the area.
This was the Manners Street mall. It was subsequently restored as a thoroughfare.
But not before the department store James Smiths went out of business in the aftermath of the mall installation.
LGWM is a joint venture between Wellington City Council, Greater Wellington Regional Council, and the New Zealand Transport Agency.
Businesses in the area believe that the car-free scheme for the capital’s downtown commercial artery and thus the “quick win” proclamation had much to do with an official survey centred on interest groups such as cycling clubs.
Wellington City Council and the Wellington Regional Council are both territorial local authorities that declared a “Climate Emergency.”
Traders believe that the sponsors of the car-free scheme were and still are determined to identify a problem that does not in fact exist—congestion.
They point out that the streets and the pavements are as busy as they should be in a capital city CBD.
They believe that the real constant congestion will come when vehicles are unable to transit the CBD main routes and instead have to thread their way through residential streets.
They cite as the major existing problem the back- ups caused by the bottleneck centred on the Basin Reserve and which continues to intensify following the blocking at the planning stage of an engineering solution in the form of the second Mt Victoria tunnel.
Promoters of the Lets Get Wellington Moving scheme claim it is all about moving more people with fewer vehicles.
SOS claims though that a large number of bus stops will vanish in the overall car purge.
This in turn will compound an access problem caused by the elimination of 100s of car parks along the main commercial artery, along with the disappearance of parking in the “re-purposed” side streets.
SOS believes that omitted from all this is the existence of the Courtenay Place entertainment district as a virtual 24 hour trading zone which by definition smooths out peak time congestion incurred by the capital’s eight hour office working day.
Faced now with the reality as opposed to the abstract concept of diversity, inclusion, multiculturalism the Wellington City Council will now have to adjust to the procedures applied in other multi racial cities when abrupt, radical town planning change is imminent.
Interpreters will have to be engaged and the council itself assured that all the business proprietors in the entertainment and restaurant district understand what is about to take place.
The random stuffing of pamphlets through doors and entranceways is one indicator how the practical application of multicultural administration now needs to be embedded in the Wellington City Council, in place of its much-publicised and vaunted theoretical emphasis on social equity.
Without being hampered by the need to translate the Wellington City Council’s information hand-outs the Wellington Chamber of Commerce meanwhile is similarly mobilising its members over the car-free zone scheduled for the other end of the commercial route which is the capital’s shopping boulevard stretch sometimes known as the Golden Mile.
In total this route scheduled to be purged of cars is a clearly-defined 2.3 kilometre arterial serpentine stretch of the inner city starting at the gates of Parliament adjacent to Lambton Quay, running up Lower Willis Street, and through the entertainment district of Courtenay Place, ending at the Embassy Theatre, famed for its association with Sir Peter Jackson’s Hobbit saga. .
One contention is that the pedestrian pavements along the 2.3 kilometre route are already as wide if not wider than those of the Ginza, Fifth Avenue, or Oxford Street
The inner Wellington car-free conversion is one part of the Let’s Get Wellington Moving programme budgeted at $6.4 billion which extends from the Ngauranga Gorge in the north to Miramar in the south.
Privy Councillor looks like a Lord, sounds like a Lord
Winston Peters is already a considerable distance along the honorifics track that leads to the summit of attainment in the Commonwealth which is the House of Lords which is where you get true respect.
The Rt Hon. Winston Peters PC looks like a lord, sounds like one. He merely has to be elevated there on the recommendation of a friendly Prime Minister.
Too old? He is younger than United States president elect Jo Biden. He is in his prime by House of Lords age standards.
And yet…and yet…certain tumblers need to fall into place for this unlocking of the House of Lords portcullis. Here are some of them.
The Labour government must endure a drop in popularity.
The National Party meanwhile must sense a lift in its popularity. But not enough to swing it into the treasury benches. Not by itself.
Enough to persuade it though to open up a hidden political party front in the form of a scale-tipping coalition party partner.
Step forward now, dragged, as it will be said, out of retirement, Winston Raymond Peters PC.
All is forgiven. He rallies now his dispersed forces by clearly enunciating policies for the common people.
He sets sail into this last glorious career sunset. His compass is adjusted to keep him well clear on this voyage of the rocks such as those represented by the cultural elites with their perilously submerged global ambitions of the type evoking distrust among his old base.
Sails are trimmed. The Winston Winning party re-connects with the salt of the earth electors, shoals of them. It floats across the line. It quickly coalesces with the National Party to form a doable majority….a government.
Now for the monarchist Mr Peters to collect on this notional arrangement. It is known that the Palace is in full support of the ennoblement of its old ally.
It is but a short hop from Wellington to Westminster for the new life peer Lord Peters of Northland. No need for a by-election. Someone on the Winston Winning list simply slips in to fill his slot
There is just one other pre-requisite to open this last yet golden door of opportunity for the constant campaigner.
It is that the ACT party declares that it will not coalesce with National under any circumstances or at any time. Not ever.
It is now that the National Party might just see in Mr Peters the rallying point of the required potential coalition partner party.
A few months ago at the general election his followers slipped out of the Peters net and swum away nobody is still quite sure exactly where.
Except that it was not back to the National Party, their original home.
As he flails away at his Northland fishing waters this is the demographic that Mr Peters might just be invited to re-catch and then this time replace it securely back into the National Party keep net.
Then onward and upward to his reward which is on the cross benches of the House of Lords.
Safely removed from meddling in party politics, as his National Party coalition partners might see it…... a world away, in fact.
Mr Peters in his revolving door political career might from time to time have considered returning to the law and there taking silk, becoming a Queens Councillor, a QC.
Now Winston Peters armed already with the office of Privy Councillor and thus technically already an adviser to Her Majesty is so primed under this chain of possibilities to shoulder the ermine of the House of Lords.
Sophisticated multinational persuasion techniques are unseen by New Zealanders including Federated Farmers
The climate industry in a cruel assertion of its power now seeks to ensure that funds scheduled for post Covid recovery are instead diverted to the climate change industry itself.
This means that funds badly needed already in New Zealand will be substantially disbursed overseas and for no practical return to New Zealand taxpayers.
The display of the climate industry’s power is such that the organisations tasked with countering such demands are mute.
None dare say for example that the money thus diverted could and should be used for the benefit of families who have had surgical treatment delayed through the crisis.
Or to alleviate the chronic shortage of housing caused by Covid 19 as returning New Zealanders put unparalleled demands on an already strained availability of accommodation.
Neither does anyone in authority dare to point out that these Covid -19 problems inevitably fall on the very people that a Labour government is sworn to protect—the poor.
Only Federated Farmers now has the status to block the momentum of the urban-based climate business.
Federated Farmers without knowing it has been deliberately targeted by the climate business in a sophisticated marketing exercise designed to soften it up.
It has been told that the pending carbon budget, as it is officially known, will be a shocking one.
The climate industry intends for there to be levied some damaging though not “shocking” impositions and thus grateful farmers will be so relieved that they will even praise the climate industry for its forbearance and moderation.
Another advanced marketing trick used by the climate sector is to portray the image that its many operatives are in their jobs through their devotion to public welfare.
In fact these urban practitioners are on high-ranked public service level remuneration packages.
Their job is to keep the pressure up on the taxpayer to keep funding them.
The exaggerated display of righteousness is another marketing tactic disguised in the industry’s sincerity-dripping publicly related narrative centred on the devoutness of its cause.
Only Federated Farmers among still-respected New Zealand institutions can present a united front in the face of this determined presentation of urban piety of purpose.
The National Party has found itself consistently wrong footed by these manipulators of its supporters loyalty.
The Labour government has found the business so useful that it has become part of it.
Industries which originate in North America, as this one does, always find New Zealand a stand-out receptive ground.
There is for example the jargon which the target market which means most New Zealanders only partially understand.
Yet they are afraid to appear out-of-touch by admitting their lack of familiarity with the industry’s dictionary of new and modified words.
Then there is the climate industry’s claiming of the moral high ground which is another straight out lift from the multinational selling methods play book.
It means that buying will improve you and the world at large.
Now we have the reference sale technique. Celebrities such as Prince Charles are referred to as buyers, with the inference that they must be right.
A corporate technique known as client management is also used.
It is designed to hold the sale and the buyer securely in place and make sure that they resolutely stay with the product, in this case the climate deal.
This can be seen in the many publicly-funded inducements to those showing signs of straying that they better stay with it and stay on message. Those who do stray find their public funding unavailable or cut off.
Federated Farmers is not immune to this aspect of the climate industry.
But it is better placed than any other institution to stall the climate industry, at least until the Covid crisis has passed, and then been paid off.
Multinationals demonstrate their moral conscience through well-publicised good works such as sponsorships.
In the climate business this high mindedness takes the form of its already privileged operatives conveying the impression of self-sacrifice and that personal reward is the last thing on their minds.
Marketing it is said can sell anything and the scheme to divert critically-needed Covid recovery money from those who need it in New Zealand and hand it to the North American-driven climate industry proves it.