Hunt for Mole Futile Because Leaked Memos Widely Circulated En Clair
The faith-based conviction that Donald Trump would lose the United States presidential election led New Zealand into awkward foreign policy fumbles in the aftermath of the Trump ascendancy.
These embarrassing and very public stumbles were compounded by, for example, continuing government donations to the Clinton family foundation.
The utter partisan conviction that Hillary Clinton would win baffled many observers at home and abroad but following the leaking of the British Embassy in Washington memos there is a glimmer of an explanation which is that New Zealand was taking its lead in a shared groupthink with the British foreign affairs apparatus.
The leaked papers demonstrate that from the outset that at a professional level, if not a political level, Britain was utterly hostile to president Trump who they saw as a major and even the ultimate facilitator of Britain’s exit from the EU.
Westminster has sought to obfuscate the leaks in a fog of disinformation centred on the idea that they were the irritable personal value judgements of one official, in the case the British ambassador Sir Kim Darroch.
Yet these same leaked memos also contain strategic estimates of United States policy in for example the recent Straits of Hormuz shadow war with Iran.
Westminster has similarly tried to sustain the belief that the transatlantic memos were decrypted and then broadcast via foreign intervention.
It is now emerging that the memos, by now in clear text, were handed around on a circulation list of hundreds.
The memos are genuine.
This is certified by Whitehall’s failure to invoke any plausible deniability claiming for, example, that the streams of consciousness that have come to light so far were part of a what-if scenario, or some kind of brain storming exercise in a hypothetical vein.
Diplomats are taught only to allow themselves to disclose an opinion on a need to know basis, and this applies especially to written ones.
Excerpts of these communiques, of which there will be more to come, have centred on the florid metaphors used to describe the Trump motives.
Absent is analysis on what exactly is the trade deal that president Trump has in mind for the UK post Brexit?
Whitehall in its fashionable anti-Trump fervour refuses to accommodate the fact that by birth president Trump is as much British as he is American.
His mother was a Scottish emigrant to the United States.
Similarly Whitehall seeks to cloud president Trump’s advice to British prime minister Theresa May.
This was that as long as Britain said it would only leave the EU under a deal with EU, then the EU would never give it a deal just to keep t in the EU.
The smokescreen in its current iteration is to spread the blame around under the generalised collateral that such leaks are the price paid for free and frank discussion, and in doing so ignoring the wikileaks experience which demonstrates the open-letter nature of diplomatic transmission.
Still, the Darroch leaks with their declamatory excerpts has revealed the extent of the partisan idealism allowed to penetrate the UK foreign apparatus and allowed to do so at the expense of technical proficiency in analysing the opportunities presented to the UK by president Trump.
The question remains though as to exactly why en clair memos incorporating such obviously high level inflammatory contents were allowed such free circulation and for a duration of several years?
Not since the civil war of the Cromwellian era has Britain found itself so sundered as it is now by the EU reformation, and this may be one reason for Whitehall failing to understand that this linkage in the Trump context was itself a multiplier on the need to enforce the use of the most measured language, however tempting hip activist words such as “dysfunctional.”
The Darroch Papers confirm that Britain’ public sector in all its forms has found itself vulnerable to the tug of loyalties.
It is a susceptibility that Commonwealth governments need to price into guidance they receive from Whitehall.
Mogul-directed industrial-scale plant-only diet strategy brings premium branding value scope to commodity exporting nation…
Animal foods substitutes made from plants and on an industrial scale will be produced by an enterprise led by Canadian-born New Zealand resident James Cameron who anticipates that the scheme will have the eventual effect of shifting diets from animal to vegetable.
Mr Cameron’s fellow film mogul Sir Peter Jackson is also said to be involved with the scheme.
Both are land holders in the sparsely-populated Wairarapa Valley which is an hour’s drive north of Wellington, centre of the nation’s film industry.
Go-to operations guy in the strategy is Jasper Robards (pictured) who is Mr Cameron’s stepson.
Mr Robard’s grandmother was Lauren Bacall who was married to Old Hollywood star Jason Robards.
Jason Robards, the grandfather, became famed for such films as Tender is the Night, All the President’s Men, and Raise The Titanic.
Raise The Titanic co-incidentally was an earlier version of the genre that was to lay the foundation of Jasper’s stepfather James Cameron’s own global success.
Lauren Bacall was a visitor to New Zealand later in her career
Miss Bacall is remembered for her candid responses to questions she had spent much of her life fielding, notably those about her earlier marriage to Humphrey Bogart.
She was in New Zealand to take part in the fund-raising Telethon charity and sportingly pitched into the televised extravaganza, the pre-eminent broadcast event of its era.
Mr Cameron has invested in plant food substitution research and development in the Wairarapa region for quite some time, since in fact he set up his Avatar special effects processing in Wellington.
Mr Cameron never loses an opportunity to extol the virtues of a vegan diet, crediting it for bestowing upon him the energy to maintain in his later years the energetic output required of an explorer, agronomist, and film maker.
The range of products from the announced venture will go far beyond such well known protein replacements as soy types and will encompass a full slate of substitute extracts and even plant versions of hitherto synthetic and animal-derived garments.
In the meantime Mr Cameron will benefit from his vertical integration in the form of a retail store in one of the Wairarapa’s fashionable tourist hamlets.
It has the capability to render applied market research on contemporary upscale consumer tastes.
There may be in this vegan drive some ironic advantage to New Zealand food exporting in animal products.
This delicatessen approach to foodstuffs will offset the perennial disadvantage of bulk commodity exports in which New Zealand is a price taker, unable to take advantage of branded and processed added value and thus loyalty.
So the promotional possibilities in the foodstuffs produced under the direction of the moguls will be a valuable pointer to the traditional side of the industry which has twisted and turned to obtain global retail premium finished product value on dairy products especially.
The venture chimes with the policy resonance from New Zealand’s governing Labour-Green coalition.
This is especially so in the venture’s forestry emphasis on foodstuffs such as nuts and fungi.
New Zealand’s emphasis on organic cultivation remains fragmented under the critical mass imperatives of volume export demands.
Mr Cameron notes that plant cultivation and processing will re-invigorate rural settlements and it is here that the moguls’ venture harmonises with a government vision that surfaced 55 years ago.
This was to transform New Zealand into the “Switzerland,” of the South Seas.
This, so the notion went, would be accomplished by selling to the world intensively processed and high value products.
This theme would be accomplished now under the announced animal replacement vegan products scheme by producing a greater range of higher value products wrapped and ready for overseas retailers’ shelves in an expanded number of importing nations.
These high value foodstuffs will introduce Swiss-watch grade retail price elasticity simply because consumers will buy them regardless of the price.
The scheme also points to an avenue opening up in by-passing bulk quotas and tariffs both official and unofficial of the type which for example have restricted an established New Zealand plant export, apples.
Import substitution of high value grocery niche products is another benefit of the plant derived foodstuffs diversity scheme.
The cinematographers mission statement in substituting plants where animals once grazed elicits not so much shock and horror from animal graziers as simple disbelief.
And yet…and yet….those promoting the pastoral conversion scheme are in the ideas business and their ideas have so far been, well, fruitful.
“Emergency” Status used to counter low turnout and galvanise younger voters
The climate alarmist proclamation of civic emergencies in Auckland and in other municipalities is centred on a belief that climate alarm is the key to securing the allegiance of the younger vote in New Zealand’s pending local government elections in October.
In the 2016 local government elections voter turnout was 42 percent.
Public information pre-election campaigns to lift the turnout to the 50 percent experienced in the 1980s have failed to lift the turnout.
These new civic emergency declarations follow on the heels of a series of millennial apocalyptic proclamation scares often traced to the Y2K one ushering in the new millennium.
Peak oil was an example of these scares..
In the event when the oil drought was scheduled to make its appearance there was a surplus.
So great was the surplus in fact that one of the first moves of the New Zealand Labour-Green governing coalition was to put an embargo on future exploration for it.
Food miles was another example of this same excitable tendentious computer modelling.
As the logistics of international cargo transport and its economies of scale eventually broke through the artifice of this alarm, it too dissolved into the atmosphere.
In doing so it also saved the New Zealand economy which is based on exporting bulk milk and meat products.
The round of municipal climate emergencies is connected to United Nations winding back its climate doomsday clock to a mere 10 years away.
Another cause is the utter conviction in these municipalities that if only Bill Shorten in the Australian Federal Election had put more campaigning into climate that he would now be the prime minister
Then there were the school-hour extinction marches which further confirmed climatics as the overriding and encompassing dominant moral cause of the hour.
Declarations of emergencies until this round of declarations were reserved for immediate ones.
Emergencies were existential events such as an earthquake, fire or flood.
These were Civil Defence emergencies carrying defined statutory priorities, implications.
The recent round of politically motivated emergency declarations and the events leading up to them remain unchallenged by the mainstream media in New Zealand, anxious itself to accumulate support in a distracted youth market..
Government broadcasting maintains a drumbeat of alarmist reports on polar ice
The Wellington-based chain has candidly announced a deliberate policy not to publish anything in the denier category.
The Auckland-based chain is similarly cautious.
New Zealand’s focus on its top heavy socio and liberal arts at the expense of science education means that there is widespread ignorance on the difference between carbon monoxide (poisonous) and carbon dioxide (beneficial.)
In New Zealand the presence of other reflecting canopy (greenhouse) gases such as water vapour is omitted and the “warming” condition is said to be due simply to “carbon.”
Neither is the dangerous diluting of the word emergency likely to be examined by the social and liberal arts, notably the explosively expanding political-science wing.
The emergency nomenclature applied by the municipalities politicians is technically known as a dialectic.
This is a proposition.
One in which the purpose of a statement however forcibly delivered has several meanings not necessarily connected to the face-value meaning.
Thus an interpretation of the emergency in question could be understood, for example, as saying that unless the young vote is mobilised under the climate cause banner then there will be an electoral emergency in that we, the proclaimers, will lose our seats……
In Washington and Wellington the Fading vendetta for scalp of Megaupload Founder now looks more like Trouble than a Trophy
The tightly knit and warm pattern of alliances which inaugurated the seven year campaign to send Megaupload founder Kim Dotcom from his domicile in New Zealand to the United States to face piracy charges have now chilled and evaporated.
These close sets of relationships converged on the Obama era White House and the keystone alliance was then the one between Hollywood and the White House.
Since president Trump took office this relationship has turned sour.
It is characterised by the open feud demonstrated by the coruscating tweets about the Hollywood galaxy transmitted by president Trump and which dumps the celestial souls so influential in the Obama era into a collective black hole of ignominy.
Wellington and Washington were governmental soul mates at this congenial time between Hawaiian vacationing golfing mates president Obama and New Zealand prime minister John Key.
This friendly relationship curdled the moment that incoming president Trump described man made climate change as a “hoax.”
Then he withdrew the United States from the Paris Accords, much to the anguish of the incoming New Zealand Labour-Green coalition government
An epoch in power and influence has flowed under the political bridge of both Washington and Wellington since the original airborne raid on Kim Dotcom’s Auckland mansion.
Then the Hollywood lobby the Motion Picture Association of America was led by insider former Democrat senator and onetime White House hopeful l Chris Dodd.
He was determined to make his mark in smoking out Hollywood’s main foe of this era which was copyright infringers, pirates, and working in close harness with the FBI to hunt them down wherever they were.
Then the FBI was among the most revered institutions in the United States.
Now the FBI is severely contaminated and is condemned by both winners and losers in the 2016 presidential election.
Chris Dodd is gone and now the Motion Picture Association is focussed on mending fences with an alienated White House, instead of the showboat corralling of copyright suspects.
The Kim Dotcom saga now well into its seventh year has lasted much longer than World War 2.
Like an Appalachian blood feud its origins are becoming shrouded in the mists of time.
It began when Kim Dotcom was identified as someone who in setting up shop in New Zealand would massively boost New Zealand’s digital technology comprehension base, an immersion style of industrial promotion in vogue at that time.
Which is what happened.
Though not in the anticipated direction.
The gung-ho aerial assault on Kim Dotcom’s Auckland mansion office did convince the Motion Picture Association that New Zealand meant business on cinematography.
Local digital effects flicks such as the Tolkien and Avatar series surged onward.
So too did the cost to the New Zealand taxpayer in funding the litigation in the long running extradition proceedings bouncing between the courts and which have racked up the equivalent of the cost of a Hollywood-grade international feature film.
In some ways a mystery film because so much in this real life Jarndyce versus Jarndyce process remains unexplained.
Kim Dotcom’s Megaupload servers were based in the United States, thus putting him in the United States jurisdiction.
If he was knowingly doing anything illegal why did he settle in a nation, New Zealand, which has an active extradition treaty with the United States?
Why didn’t he simply stay in Hong Kong which is where he started Megaupload?
Did it have something to do with these very server farms which more than anything else require cooling?
An idea at the time that Kim Dotcom was encouraged to settle in New Zealand was that server farms could be embedded into the chilly if not frozen Southern Alps
Any alliance that Kim Dotcom had with the National government of the time went the way of all the other alliances in this saga which is into anti active hostility.
In a scattershot charge he is also charged with infringing United States RICO statutes designed to combat organised crime.
The notion of a company by definition employing geeks being in a position to deploy the muscle needed to run protection and extortion rackets remains unclear and is thought to be based on a plea bargain deal struck by the US Department of Justice.
Such freedom-for- information deals are standard in the United States in order to secure convictions.
The case reminds us that seven years ago under the Hollywood- White House alliance of that era piracy was the bugaboo of the era in the same way that social media is the political pressure point of today.
In its heyday Megaupload featured a piracy reporting option giving copyright holders the ability to hunt for illegal content. It registered with the U.S. government under the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, a law aimed at fighting piracy.
Government extreme social equity posturing degrades performance and authority
The New Zealand Treasury’s failure to encrypt its pro-forma models of the actual budget can be traced to an engrained governmental procedure of elevating contemporary social sensibilities at the expense of applied practical ability.
This was further emphasised at the time of the budget “hacking” flap when it became clear that a cross-section of departmental officials failed to understand that the budget models had been accessed simply by intruders applying permutations and combinations to the Treasury’s home page search bar and doing so without recourse to passwords.
The access to the budget details at the time was instantly sheeted home to a massive and concerted hack and given criminal status.
The police were called in to investigate some time before the search bar legerdemain was identified and sheeted home to National Party, Opposition, geek-capability operatives.
The deeper implications of the incident were however overshadowed by still another pre-budget drama.
This one centred on the release, authorised, of an official report on “bullying and harassment” within the bounds of Parliament.
Again, the police were called in.
Again the police withdrew.
This time when it was discovered that the events luridly proclaimed involved incidents already long procedurally investigated and settled.
Curiously, and this also was overlooked, a search bar and its application was again involved, indirectly.
This is because had a search been conducted into the Parliamentary Services HR exception incidents archive, the existence of these cases and their procedural outcomes would have been revealed.
The issue remains that the contents of the 2019 Wellbeing Budget, the nation’s first branded budget, became subsumed by the combined drama that attained hysterical levels over these two incidents.
Embedded in all this remains the issue of how Parliament and the government as a whole has the capability to administer its own accelerating matrix of inclusion, diversity, and social equality, and do so without diluting operational efficiencies.
For example, and in quite recent times, one government agency propounded a scheme of the type calculated to sidestep the distracting morality fervour that so spoiled the release of the government’s own landmark and emblematic budget.
This was by promulgating a keep-your-distance edict in which male staff were required to literally ensure that at all times they kept themselves at arms length from their female counterparts.
Such an edict it was believed would enshrine personal space into a no-go zone
At first opposition to this scheme focussed on personal-space necessary infringement occasions such as handing over paper documents, positioning oneself in a lift, sharing a car, participating in a queue, seated at a conference…….
The scheme however ultimately dissolved in a morass of gender boundary eroding initialism characterised today in, for example, LGBTQ2+.
Bluntly, in terms of literal situational ethics alone it had become impossible to define who needed to keep their distance from whom.
HR specialists, psychologists, counsellors abound in the Parliamentary Precinct, so do consultants in areas such as gender and bias studies.
The two torrid events of budget week, the pre-release of the budget itself, and the weirdly-timed release of the official report on bullying and harassment within Parliament, share in common the need for comprehension of the nature of administrative computing.
Such a comprehension would have lowered the temperature of the budget leak episode.
A simple search into the archive would have revealed that the headline incidents in the bullying and harassment disclosure had already been resolved internally.
A curiosity about these fringe budget events was the manifestly excitable behaviour of several of the parliamentary protagonists.
They seemed unable to comprehend connections between cause and effect and even expenditure and value delivered in terms of the immense investment in human resources specialists and also information technology
Parliament deliberately advancing itself as the showcase for workplace social justice activism seems a factor underpinning the anything but calming response to the bullying /harassment report which in its broadcast form pictured parliament actively digging for its dirty linen and then, on discovering it, waving it from its rooftop.
Similarly we can now understand how this same posturing has degraded performance in managing its own publicly accessible departmental networks.
Candidates for senior jobs in government information technology are frequently selected on their ability to promote social equity instead of on their proven ability to deliver area digital services.
A review of bullying and harassment within Parliament instigated by the Speakers Office which is responsible for who are entitled to work in Parliament and for what they do there has involved this same office in obloquy and sensationalism.
The release of the report was accompanied by dire portents from the Speakers Office conjuring up images of at least one rapist stalking Parliament’s carpeted corridors and this sinister figure accompanied by a cohort of like-minded individuals in the sex pest category.
In the event once the hue and cry settled down this somewhat spooky scenario devolved onto three incidents involving the same people and which had been subjected to historical procedural investigations.
Even so, in the accompanying atmosphere one Parliamentary staffer, male, was “stood down” under the cloud of the word rapist.
Another unexpected blow-back was the public accusation by a former department head, female, that they had been on the receiving end of foul language from the instigator of this same review.
The office of the Speaker is supposed to be the tranquil and unquestioned hub of the opposing forces of parliamentary democracy.
Another role, unspoken, is that this same office detects trouble and nips it in the bud before it sees the light of day.
In this instance the opposite happened.
This same office instigated an official review into a topic known to be of such volatility that whatever the result it was bound to detonate in the public domain.
What went wrong?
A generation ago New Zealand began emerging from its cult of exaggerated masculinity.
Pubs and clubs until very recently were gender segregated and few saw anything unusual in this.
Change, held back, now surged into an opposing extreme in which male characteristics instead of being viewed as admirable became viewed as toxic.
The intellectual class, political class, supposed to act as a pathfinder in this kind of sea-change instead seized upon it to trumpet its own value and did so by exaggerating this shift and in doing so further distorted it.
The churches similarly arbiters, if not shepherds, in this kind of sudden societal shift stood aside.
Both protestant and catholic churches in New Zealand traditionally enjoyed rather more influence than in other British outposts just because of the nation’s remoteness.
They now failed to put a brake on the mounting panic just because the churches themselves no longer had any moral suasion.
The need for Parliament to seek out any dirty laundry and then wash it in public emphasises the extent to which these new and untrammelled forces trigger this kind of high profile self-abasement, aka transparency.
There is another explanation, a rather more worldly one.
Westminster parliaments were never designed for proportional representation.
The German version, the one imposed on New Zealand, was designed to ensure enough opposing forces to eliminate one single outcome---the emergence of a dictator, a tyrant.
There remains therefore the unasked question, the taboo question.
It is centred on which of the opposing forces in New Zealand’s coalition government insisted on an inquiry which beyond its purgative value could only have been a public embarrassment lowering still further in the public esteem Parliament, and specifically the office of the Speaker
Oceania nation resonates as perfect sounding board for social activist Atlantic policies
United Nations exercises a supranational influence over New Zealand’s body politic in a way that has not been experienced since the waning of Westminster’s sway followed soon after by Washington’s.
Nothing emphasises this realignment more than the view that the nation’s highest office, that of prime minister, is but a way station en route to assuming the real power which resides in the real high office which is that of secretary general of United Nations.
Former New Zealand prime minister Helen Clark had, at best, a good outsider’s chance in her determined run for the secretary-generalship of United Nations.
Current prime minister Jacinda Ardern is said to be heading into poll position should she at any time in the next 30 or so years either seek the assignment or be tapped for it.
The nation’s bureaucracy has long been attuned to the United Nations ethos and this was demonstrated by its unquestioning belief in a Clinton victory at the last US presidential elections.
Also discarded in this new version of progressive realpolitik is the alignment that once centred on Canberra, notably during the Whitlam and Hawke eras.
Canberra, like Washington and Westminster has been shouldered aside in this new orientation to a new magnetic north.
Prone to believing polls, whole segments of New Zealand’s government found it hard to disguise their fervour in the forecast electoral victory of Bill Shorten and their sense of loss when this failed to come to pass.
From self-dramatizing inquests into its own rumoured official bullying (actually, officiousness) through hate speech (offensive), diversity and multi culturalism and the unifying climate movement, it is United Nations that now incarnates the yearnings of New Zealand’s parliamentary Labour government.
So what caused the inspirational compass to swing so abruptly from East to West?
Beijing’s Marco Polo attractions continue to fade, and only partly due to awkward and embarrassing trade imperatives.
New Zealand’s political Prester John impulse to lead the East into following its more progressive ways have simply dissolved amid Beijing’s ferocious militarism and intolerance of things like diversity, multiculturalism.
Contrary to a view once accepted as a geopolitical article of faith and voiced by former National Party prime minister Jim Bolger that New Zealand was “part of Asia,” those were his words, the nation instead has reconfigured itself on a trans Atlantic axis.
The New Zealand body politic draws its inspiration from an axis rooted in New York at United Nations.
Britain never truly on-message since Tony Blair’s day is nonetheless dipped into.
But merely to superheat on views on climate from only a very few selective sources such as The Guardian and the BBC.
Then the short hop across the English Channel to the terminus of this particular axis which is Paris, the city of enlightenment for this repositioning.
The body politic involved in this realignment includes the nation’s regional and district councils usually referred to as local bodies.
Once pre-occupied with the administration of roads and rubbish collection their elected members nowadays so often put a priority on the rather more rarified and thus engaging globalist procedures involved in podcasting their support for the policies of United Nations.
New Zealand has been a member of the UN security council on several occasions. Even more significantly its diplomats Sir Leslie Munro and more recently Terence O’Brien have served as presidents of the security council.
United Nations has traditionally sought as its secretary general someone from a non-aligned nation meaning a candidate beyond the Western Alliance or the old communist bloc.
As New Zealand politics at so many levels enters a new, and supercharged phase of institutional moral reformation its elected at so many levels see an opportunity to transcend the mundane in echoing this new Atlantic policy centred on United Nations Plaza on Manhattan’s East River.
Globalism suddenly means more than trade, in which nations are encouraged to focus on what they do best.
It now means a transnational approach to the free exchange of moral movements and without the frontiers and thus the boundaries of geography or even hemispheres.
Antitrust action on information technology sector blamed for opening door to China
In the 1970s and 1980s the United States federal government applied antitrust actions against its two dominant computer and telecommunications companies IBM and AT&T.
The federal government threats and moves to break up these two companies is considered now to have preoccupied the companies to the point at which foreign competition now started to slip through under the cover of the government diversion.
The belief now is that IBM for example became more focussed on coping with the extended anti-trust proceedings than with expanding or holding its 70 percent share of the computer market.
China’s seizing of such a commanding position in this same market is thus regarded as a direct result of the United States federal government’s intervention in the dominance of these two companies.
In short order prior to this trust-busting drive the United States telecommunications and computing sector had come up with three technology breakthroughs: the transistor, the integrated circuit (silicon chip) and the microprocessor.
Only rather later came an understanding that the federal anti monopoly disruption of the information sector had consequences that had not emerged during the much earlier break ups of steel production, oil, and the railways.
Huawei’s appearance as a core telecommunications network supplier in North America is the wakeup call of nightmarish proportions that alerted the United States to the reality that its dominance of this sector was not so much slipping away, as disappearing in a cascade.
Google and Facebook with their subsidiaries such as YouTube and WhatsApp are today’s IBM and AT&T with its Bell System.
They allow the United States to control the narrows of personal point-to-multipoint electronic communication, otherwise known as social media.
Similarly, Apple in its sector and in its turn has been in the shadow of United States federal government trust-busting.
Apple then lost its position in the smart phone market to Huawei.
The reason that the Google and Facebook nexus will remain substantially unfettered is that the United States views itself as a corporate entity whose competition is similarly monolithic in the form of China.
China has what the United States has which is scale.
Experience has shown that smaller countries lacking this and however innovative are unable to lever off this narrower base to present the United States with an enduring threat in this social media category.
France is such a country.
France which is Europe’s most ardent watchdog on the dangers of Google and Facebook was once in technology terms light-years ahead of the United States due to its national effort with its Minitel technology.
The United Kingdom was similarly ahead of this particular game with its Videotex system.
In the event both these technologies languished and are now forgotten because neither country had the population and thus the development base to develop and take to market these early breakthroughs.
Washington will make sympathetic murmurs about the dangers of the untrammelled Google and Facebook duo.
But it has no intention of re-enacting an IBM/ AT&T trust-busting regime for as long as China is breathing down its electronics neck.
Google and Facebook know it.
The knock-down-drag-out story of social media and its favouring of the mega-scale countries is a poignant one and especially so for the Franco-New Zealand campaign to rein in the United States operators.
New Zealand, and this is not generally known, was among the first to refine the programme generation heavy lifting behind the automated coding so important in the development of things such as social networks and their algorithms, the ones which according to the Paris meet, so urgently require “transparency.”
In the event, and justifying current United States suspicions, this programme generation system, led co-incidentally by a Frenchman, was filched by the Chinese under the pretence of buying it.
The only consolation is that these countries are in good company.
Finland’s Nokia, so recently the David in the David and Goliath of smart phones, was acquired by Microsoft another revolving door antitrust candidate.
The same thing happened to Canada, not a particularly small country.
Canada saw its standard-bearing Research in Motion brand Blackberry, once a by-word in the industry and the standard appliance used by politicians everywhere, quickly become motionless, submerged through its absence of hinterland scale.
The United States social media majors cover themselves in feel-good slogans and their representatives when in public have about them the Aw Shucks candour of an Idaho small town family dry goods store proprietor.
Presentation is everything in the world of big-league electronics, especially in the personal communications variety in which the more iron in the fist, the greater the need for the velvet veneer.
Flagship Pike River Re-Entry Policy Threatened by Undetectable Gas
Methane gas has become so politicised that officials are terrified to talk about outside a rigid and approved context and frame of reference.
Nothing underlined the perils attendant on the Labour coalition government’s Pike River mine re-entry fiasco in that a cause of its being aborted was that a “wee” creature had chewed the lead of a gas sensor.
Nothing emphasised the presence and name of this gas as the determination by everyone concerned to avoid mentioning it.
The gas was and is methane gas and it was the culprit in the Pike River mine disaster.
Methane hovers. It is lighter than air.
In its ghostly fashion it cannot be detected by human senses.
Officially we were told that readings on “oxygen” led to the abandonment of the re-entry.
We were told that the “atmosphere” imperilled the re-entry.
The word methane has become so politically-charged that in a contrary way in the Pike River disaster and its aftermath it became conspicuous by its absence.
The re-entry scheme and the reasons for it being aborted encapsulated the basic-science comprehension problem of New Zealand governments since the advent of the professional politician i.e. those who have no background in anything productive beyond word-creation, and posturing.
The notion of the mine being “sealed” was chief among these.
Other than the elaborate and mediagenic barrier at the entrance no other part of the mine is sealed it all.
The mine has been soaking up methane ever since the last explosion there.
Methane gas has been filtering through into the mine from the surrounding geology ever since.
This aggregation will have been accelerated since the official and token sealing of the mine entrance by internal collapses which in turn will have been aggravated by things such as seismic activity, and also by water.
A disused mine is much more dangerous than a working one.
Another threat barely mentioned in the re-entry turn back reasons was the presence of coal dust.
This volatile substance, as with methane, will have collected in the mine over the intervening years.
In this re-entry scheme there would have been no electrics in the mine of the type that powered the ventilation equipment which as the Royal Commission so studiously observed was positioned inside the mine, rather than outside it, the practice everywhere else.
Nobody doubts that methane gas caused the mine to explode.
But the cause of the ignition of the mine methane remains undetermined.
The Pike River mine re-entry has about it the aura of political showboating allied to a victim-culture determination to identify individuals or groups of them responsible for the explosions.
The hunt for SCADA type monitoring recordings centred on the initial explosion and which might prove who exactly did what and when in the lead up to the disaster is only one indicator of this.
Promises to the effect that the re-entry will face a cut-off of one kind or another “by Christmas” only serves to underline the gulf between the productive economy, with all its physical threats as opposed to the politico-bureaucratic one in which threats are reputational.
On one side of this divide is a now long abandoned mine with its deteriorating structure and its accumulated methane.
On the other side, the political ambition to showcase not only a mineral villain, but ideally one or two human ones as well.
Gauche handling of France’s Gauche contrasts with New Zealand premier’s adroit Coup Politique
When Jacinda Ardern shut in the support of her Labour-led coalition government’s ideological left wing support she did so quickly, effortlessly, decisively and effectively.
When Francis’ president Emmanuel Macron tried to the same thing with his eco-ideologues he ignited a carboniferous subterranean smouldering fire akin to those that plague the sites of abandoned mine workings.
The New Zealand Labour government swiftly bonded in its liberal political and media class wing at the outset of its administration with the proclamation of its ban on oil and gas prospecting.
It knew that this bold appeal to high-minded university campus grade purity of thought was going to weld into the Labour-led coalition the climatist movement.
The bold decisiveness of the Labour’s handling of this lock-in contrasts with that of French president Emmanuel Macron.
He was presented at the outset of his presidency with much the same problem in handling the liberal political class base which was responsible for putting him into the Elysees Palace.
In contrast he mishandled the same problem.
The result of this fumbling is there for all to see in, for example, the Gilets Jaunes displays.
These routine and scheduled riots are the result of president Macron’s gauche handling of his own gauche in seeking to apply his own dithering solution to the same problem, that of disarming the fashionable, activist left.
The problem of locking in its media and political class ideological support base was solved by New Zealand’s Labour – led coalition in a military manner that incorporated stealth, deception and surprise to achieve a fait accompli.
The stealth was that discussion about it was limited and restricted and thus there were no leaks.
The surprise was that the oil industry believed that an exploration cloture would be the subject of a fairly prolonged “conversation.”
The deception was that instead of being announced at some environmental summit the scheme was announced to a student gathering.
The decisive delivery was to deliver the anti prospecting proclamation without any warning so early in its term and before the lobbies had the time to do anything about it.
Confronted by this same problem and the same opportunity president Macron in contrast allowed his strategy to become attenuated, drift out of his own hands and thus missed the decisive symbolic moment so deftly exploited by his New Zealand counterpart.
His poor delegation of the problem allowed it fester which had the effect of the accelerating agitation of this noisy ideological base which in France hits in addition to the television studios, the streets for additional theatre value.
President Macron belatedly sought to please this base with its shared and unifying belief in man made global warming and did so with a series of appeasing and symbolic taxation reshuffles.
These were viewed by France’s always restive blue collar, productive, classes as an attempt by president Macron to appease his elitist class support base and do so at the expense of the working classes, this in a nation ultra sensitive to its elites profiting at the expense of the non-privileged.
President Macron‘s decision to increase fuel taxes was viewed as placating the privileged at the expense of the workers
Another move to cater for this elite class was to symbolically reduce France’s speed limit for the benefit of the climatists.
The Gilets Jaunes followed, seemingly unstoppable.
The New Zealand Labour-led coalition’s blunt proclamation sans any trade-offs serves as a standard in the management of the political class and its expectations.
Mr Macron remains mired in his environmental morass in spite of concession after concession.
Current conversations pointedly focus on eliminating the select few universities, notably ENA, that nurture the political class elites that president Macron had so ardently tried to court.
Should France’s Ecole National d’Administration survive the current purge, then a suitable case for study in one of its new classless classes might be the virtuous self-flagellating groupthink in two nations that led the way in renewable energy.
New Zealand did so in hydro electric power, and France with nuclear energy.